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11 Things to Say When Someone Dies Besides ‘I’m Sorry’

By Angela Haupt

It’s hard to summon any words when someone dies—let alone the right ones. That’s why so many of us let the sympathy cards do the talking. “As a society, we’re uncomfortable with death and grief. We’re not very open to talking about it,” says Katie Cosgrove, a death doula and grief coach in Buffalo, N.Y. Plus, “I think a lot of people, myself included, feel like words aren’t enough to comfort somebody,” which makes it challenging to figure out how to articulate our condolences.

Though it may be the first thing that springs to mind, “I’m sorry” isn’t always the best way to go. It implies responsibility in some way—and simply isn’t as comforting or empathetic as other ways of showing support. Cosgrove also advises steering clear of the age-old cliché that “time heals all wounds.” “That’s what everybody said to me when my dad passed, and it’s just not true,” she says. “Grief doesn’t ever go away. It shifts and changes, but it doesn’t leave us.”

“I can’t imagine how hard this is for you, and I’m sending you all my strength and love.”

One of the worst things to tell someone who’s grieving is that you know exactly what they're going through. Even if you've also lost a loved one—maybe you’re a widow consoling someone who has newly obtained that title—every loss is unique. Instead, Cosgrove suggests flipping the sentiment over and making it clear that you can’t imagine what it’s like to be in their shoes. “You’re validating their feelings,” she says. “Even if you knew that person really well, you didn’t know them the way your friend or family member knew them,” and it’s impossible to grasp how the loss is really landing for them.

“Please accept my condolences.”

It sounds simple, right? Maybe even generic. Yet the sentiment works well when you’re talking to someone you don’t know well, or when you’re too surprised by the bad news to string any other words together, says Elizabeth Schandelmeier, a grief therapist in Pittsburgh. “It’s preferable to saying ‘I’m sorry,’ because it doesn't put the bereaved person in the position of having to console you by saying it’s OK,” she points out. “Or, if they’re angry in the moment, [it keeps them] from snapping back that you don't need to be sorry because it wasn't your fault.”

“Your husband was a wonderful person. I have this cherished memory of him when [explain a thoughtful memory].”

When people tell Cosgrove they’re going to a wake or a funeral and don't know what to say, she encourages them to share a story. “I can tell you from personal experience that stories about people I've lost and never heard before are like little nuggets of gold,” she says. “It’s a beautiful way to cherish their memory and show that you really loved them.” If you don’t have a story of your own, you could invite your friend to share one of their favorite memories if they feel up to it. There’s sometimes a misconception that talking about the deceased will be too painful—when, in fact, the opposite is often true.

“Is it OK if I stop by in a few days with lunch? I know the kids are involved in a lot of activities. Do you need any help getting them to games?”

Acts of service can be invaluable, especially in the early days of grief, when someone's energy is zapped. “They’re having to tend to so many things—taking something off their plate not only says, ‘I’m here for you and I'm supporting you,’ but it truly helps reduce the burden on them,” says Whitney Menarcheck, a licensed professional counselor in Pittsburgh who specializes in grief. “That may give them time to focus on the flower arrangements or take a nap.” The more specific your offer, the better; having to think about what kind of help to ask for might dissuade someone from asking at all.

“I'm holding space for you in my heart.”

People aren’t always in the habit of telling others that they’re “holding space” for them, Cosgrove acknowledges. Yet she finds it’s a powerful way to convey that, while you can’t make their pain better, you will be present with them as they navigate through it. That’s why this is one of her go-to expressions when talking to the bereaved. “It’s a simple way to let the person know you’re thinking of them, their experience is both unique and universal, and that dealing with loss is incredibly hard,” she says.

“I'll always remember their smile [or laugh].”

This is a powerful way to memorialize someone’s physical presence—and reinforce to their loved ones that they won’t be forgotten. You might describe the mischievous twinkle in their eyes when they told a joke, or the pink streaks they dyed in their hair. “Grief can be very surreal,” Cosgrove says. “We’re scared of losing that person, or forgetting them, so knowing what somebody else out in the world is going to remember is really helpful.”

“I know a lot of people don't know what to do when someone dies by suicide, and that can leave the person who's grieving feeling alone. I'm here for you.”

Menarcheck uses the term “disenfranchised grief” to describe loss that tends to be minimized or misunderstood—like when someone dies by suicide or because of an overdose, or when the bereaved had a complicated relationship with the deceased. She recalls that once, when she checked in with a friend whose ex-husband had died, the woman replied: “Why does everyone think that just because we weren’t married anymore, I don’t care that he’s dead?” That speaks to the importance of always reaching out and letting your friends know you're thinking of them, no matter the circumstances of the loss.

“Do you want my help, or do you want me to just listen?”

Sometimes without even realizing it, we slip into advice mode—trying to help fix the unfixable. That’s not always what someone needs. The most valuable thing you can do might be lending an ear. If your friend asks whether they've already told you a story about the person they’re grieving, “You can say yes, but that you’d love to hear it again,” Schandelmeier says.

“Is it OK if I give you a hug right now?”

Always respect personal space: Not everyone wants to be pulled into an embrace or have their hand patted, even or especially when they’re grieving. If it’s typical for you to hug when you see each other, you’re probably fine—but if you want to throw your arms around a second cousin you last saw two decades ago, it’s best to ask first. “What gives you comfort doesn't always give others comfort,” Menarcheck points out. “If they say no, just be like, ‘Well, I’m thinking of you,’ and don't take it personally.”

“Hey, I know Sunday mornings were a special routine for you and your dad. Just thinking about you.”

Maybe your friend and her dad went for a walk together every Sunday morning. On the first—or second or third or 13th—Sunday after his death, check in to remind her you’re there for her. The same advice applies to birthdays, anniversaries, and other special occasions. The key is not making any assumptions about how your friend might be feeling, Menarcheck advises. (“You must be so devastated today!”) “It gives the person an opportunity to respond and say, ‘Wow, thanks. I’ve been struggling,’” she notes. “Or they may say, ‘I was just thinking about this really funny thing that happened between me and my dad.” Allow your friend’s response to direct where the conversation goes from there.

“I was watching the Cubs play, and I remember your son really loved them. It made me smile thinking about it.”

No matter how much time has passed since someone died, bring them up when you feel moved to do so. You were shopping and saw a Hawaiian shirt they would have loved? Heard their favorite song on the radio? Say it. “People who die become elephants in the room,” Menarcheck says. “But all we want to do sometimes is talk about them. We want to laugh about them, we want to talk about what drove us nuts about them, and we want them to continue existing through our memories and stories.”

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India Today Mood of the Nation poll: Modi steady, Rahul emerges

The latest edition of the biannual survey reflects a desire for continuity of PM Narendra Modi's rule—albeit with caveats—even as Rahul Gandhi consolidates his gains

Only three Indian prime ministers have scaled Mount 3.0—the rarefied pinnacle of a third term in office. The former two, Jawaharlal Nehru and his daughter Indira Gandhi, encountered major turbulence during their third stints and failed to complete their full terms. Nehru erred seriously at the start of his third term when the Indian armed forces suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands of China in the 1962 border war. His persona and credibility considerably diminished, Nehru died of a heart attack in 1964, three years before his term was to end.

Unlike him, Indira did not win a third consecutive term; she was defeated in the 1977 general election after completing two terms, the second term blackened by her imposition of the Emergency in 1975. However, she stormed back to power in 1980 after the failure of the Janata Party experiment but soon ran into severe headwinds while dealing with militancy in Punjab. She launched Operation Blue Star in June 1984, which flushed out the militants holed up in the Golden Temple in Amritsar and eliminated its leader, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. But she paid for it with her life when she was assassi­nated by her own Sikh guards four months later.

Narendra Modi, serving as prime minister for a third consecutive term, is therefore well aware of how his predecessors who had reached this milestone stumbled and fell. The recent general election has given him fair warning, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) failing to secure a full majority on its own in the Lok Sabha, a feat he had helped achieve in the past two terms. The BJP won 240 seats, 32 short of the simple majority mark of 272 in the 543-member lower house and had to seek the support of its pre-election coalition partners in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)—the Nitish Kumar-led Janata Dal (United) and Chandrababu Naidu’s Telugu Desam Party (TDP) to form the government. This after Modi had set an ambitious target of 370 seats for the BJP and 400-plus for the NDA in a bid to best the 414-seat record Rajiv Gandhi set in the election after his mother’s death in 1984.

For Modi, the India Today-CVoter biannual Mood of the Nation (MOTN) poll, the first after the May 2024 Lok Sabha election, holds significant pointers on how he should go about his third term, what he should prioritise and how to avoid the mistakes some of his predecessors made. Perhaps the biggest finding of the MOTN survey is that the June 2024 results were not an aberration—they neither give the BJP a full majority nor enough seats to the Indian National Developmental and Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) to unseat Modi and the BJP.

Conducted between July 15 and August 10 this year, the poll shows that if a general election were held now, the results would be almost identical to those of two months ago. The BJP would get 244 seats, four more than the actual results and the NDA tally would go up to 299 from the current 293. The INDIA bloc’s tally drops marginally, to 232 from the 234 it has actually won, but the Congress’s individual tally moves up from 99 to 106 seats.

The August 2024 MOTN thus reiterates that the Indian electorate voted for continuity of the Modi-led regime but with several riders and caveats. Over a third of those surveyed said they believe that the Lok Sabha results were for continuity of his rule. But many also wanted a balance, with 12.5 per cent of the respondents saying the vote was for a strong Opposition. Asked how they rated the performance of Narendra Modi as prime minister, a high 58.6 per cent rated it as outstanding and good, a drop of just two percentage points from the MOTN exercise in February 2024.

However, this rating was nowhere near the stratospheric 71 per cent Modi notched up in the August 2019 MOTN survey, soon after he won a second term as PM, and a rise of 17 percentage points from the poll six months earlier. Another discernible trend in the current MOTN is that the percentage of those who considered Modi’s performance outstanding has fallen from 41.8 per cent to 34.3 per cent, a drop of 7.5 percentage points, while those rating it as good has gone up from 18.7 per cent to 24.3 per cent. Together, they show his sheen fading, while he continues to be seen as the tallest leader, with no clear alternative.

The MOTN, though, does indicate a challenger on the horizon as Rahul Gandhi emerges from the shadows of his past failures. Asked who is best suited to be the next prime minister, Modi still has a 49.1 per cent rating, five percentage points less than in the previous MOTN. But Rahul’s standing has jumped from 13.8 to 22.4 per cent in the same period, a leap of 8.6 percentage points. The gap between Modi and Rahul, though, is still a cavernous 26.7 percentage points, making it clear that the Congress scion poses no immediate threat to Modi’s dominance in the political arena. Rahul does poll much higher than other BJP leaders such as Amit Shah, Yogi Adityanath and Nitin Gadkari when respondents were asked who is best suited to be prime minister after Modi.

In the Opposition sweepstakes too, Rahul has surged ahead with 32.3 per cent, with the gap between him and Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal and Akhilesh Yadav growing to over 25 percentage points. However, like for Modi, there is a caveat for Rahul’s rise as well: the Congress remains a distant challenger to the BJP, and it is the regional partners in INDIA, such as the Trinamool Congress (TMC) in West Bengal, the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in Tamil Nadu that are shoring up the Opposition numbers. Among the BJP leaders, Shah manages to retain his lead over Yogi Adityanath to be the party’s prime ministerial candidate. Though, to Yogi Adityanath’s credit, he once again emerges as the most popular chief minister nationally. In terms of popularity within the home state, we have a new winner, Sikkim’s two-time CM Prem Singh Tamang whose party SKM recently swept the assembly poll. Interestingly, no sitting Congress chief minister figures in the 10 most popular CMs in their home states.

For the BJP, the MOTN offers no salve for the losses it incurred in the big states, which led to their overall tally slipping under the majority mark in the Lok Sabha election. In Uttar Pradesh, the country’s largest state with 80 Lok Sabha seats, the BJP tally plunged to 33 seats in 2024 from 62 in 2019. It gains only two seats and its ally one in the current MOTN. But with the spat over who is to blame for the 2024 debacle in the state going public, the BJP has so far not been able to set its house in order. In Maharashtra, which has 48 seats, the INDIA group maintains its lead of 30 seats, the BJP and its allies getting the remaining 18 seats.

With an assembly election due in the next couple of months, there are no signs yet of the BJP recovering ground either. In West Bengal, the BJP’s slide continues, with the MOTN predicting a loss of four seats out of the 12 seats it won in the summer, three of these going to the TMC and one to the Congress. Only in Bihar, which has 40 seats, has its fortunes shown an upswing at the cost of INDIA. The NDA gains five seats, pushing its tally to 35. In Tamil Nadu, the NDA has made no dent in INDIA’s clean sweep of the state’s 39 seats. Thus, in the five big states that account for a total of 249 seats, the BJP gains have been minor. In Haryana, which goes to the polls next month, the BJP’s bid to retain power appears to be an uphill task, with the poll showing the Congress continuing to make more inroads.

What explains the tepid response of the respondents towards the BJP and the NDA despite Modi’s popularity remaining high and the voters still relying on him to deliver? The MOTN does, in fact, set the priority for Modi 3.0 and it is clearly economic. That’s because, according to the survey, the NDA’s three big achievements—constructing the Ram temple in Ayodhya, revocation of Article 370 in Kashmir and the several welfare schemes—seem to have reached an expiry date in terms of electoral returns. By contrast, the Modi government’s three biggest failures all pertain to the economy, with unemployment topping the list, followed by price rise and lack of economic growth. Other findings reiterate this fact. Asked what the biggest problem in the country is, 28.5 per cent say it is unemployment, which is three percentage points higher than in the February MOTN. Inflation is the No. 2 concern, followed by poor family incomes.

With 78.2 per cent saying the unemployment situation in the country has turned serious, it flies in the face of the Modi government’s assertions that it has added 80 million jobs in the past three years alone. In fact, a majority polled do not believe the government’s claim. Worse, over 60 per cent believe that their current expenses have become difficult to manage and that their economic status has either remained the same or deteriorated since Modi took charge as PM in 2014.

The perception that the NDA government’s economic policies largely benefit big business persists and is now 58.3 per cent. The only silver lining for the Modi government is the growing optimism among the voters who believe the economic situation will improve in the next six months. They also continue to express faith in the NDA government’s handling of the economy, with 52 per cent rating it as good and outstanding, though there is a 12.3 percentage point drop in the number of respondents who rate the government’s handling of the economy as outstanding—from 32.4 per cent to 20.1 per cent.

There are negative perceptions on other fronts in the current MOTN that could compound the BJP’s woes. For instance, nearly half the respondents hold the central government and its examination bodies responsible for the malpractices in the national entrance examinations to India’s higher education institutions. On the controversial Agnipath scheme of recruitment for the armed forces, 38.3 per cent want it improved upon and more than a fourth want it to be discontinued altogether. Similar reservations are evident over the passing of the three new national criminal laws.

The government is attracting flak for misusing central investigative agencies for political gain, with 36 per cent of the respondents saying that the arrests of Opposition chief ministers Arvind Kejriwal in Delhi and Hemant Soren in Jharkhand by the Enforcement Directorate and the Central Bureau of Investigation were unjustified and political vendetta on the part of the ruling party. In a separate question, as many as 46.3 percent say the BJP has misused these investigating agencies more than the previous governments.

There is also overwhelming support for two contentious issues on which the Modi government is not inclined to yield—legally guaranteeing MSP or the minimum support price (MSP) for agricultural produce and initiating a caste census across the country. Given the spate of rail accidents recently, over 43 per cent believe that the Indian Railways has not done enough to make train journeys safe. Women’s safety continues to be a cause for concern, with 37.9 per cent saying India has become less safe for them, and this before the Kolkata rape and murder came to light.

When it comes to communal harmony, a high 28.1 per cent still believe it has deteriorated and a majority holds the BJP-RSS responsible. However, when it comes to two of the NDA’s government pet initiatives—implementing a universal civil code and the idea of one nation, one poll—the respondents give a clear thumbs-up. There is also a significant increase in the percentage of people who believe that democracy is not in danger, though this may partially be because the Opposition has emerged as a strong force in the election this summer.

So, what are the larger messages that the August MOTN throws up? For the ruling party, while Modi remains popular, the continuing rise in unemployment and prices has dampened the voters’ enthusiasm. Team Modi has to focus on addressing these key issues, otherwise their distress could show up in the upcoming state polls, especially in the crucial big state of Maharashtra, which has become a must-win for the BJP. Accustomed to having clear majorities of their own, Modi and the BJP seem uncomfortable operating in a coalition. Signs of their vulnerabilities became evident when the move to introduce lateral entries into government services was withdrawn post haste after their own allies protested. The revamping of the Waqf boards and the new broadcasting bill had to be deferred in Parliament after their alliance partners asked them not to implement them hastily. Losses in upcoming state elections could further erode Modi’s cult-like status and result in pressure building up from within the party for radical change.

To avoid becoming hostage to the vagaries of its allies, the BJP may launch another round of what experts call ‘mergers and acquisitions’ of MPs from other parties to boost its tally towards the halfway mark. Hence, the backdoor efforts to win the support of the DMK’s Stalin in Tamil Nadu and the TMC’s Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal, in the event that the TDP and JD(U) play truant. For Rahul and the Congress, this MOTN is a message that the party needs to consolidate its gains in the current Lok Sabha and narrow the yawning gap with the BJP so that the party emerges as the fulcrum of a credible alternative to the current dispensation. For Modi, it is back to battle stations. Given his past track record, adversity always brings out the best in him. In his Independence Day address, the PM told the nation, “The country is bound to become the third-largest economy during my third term, and I will work three times harder, at three times the speed, and with three times the scale so that the dreams we have for the nation are realised sooner.” Modi seems determined to prove that he can not only survive the full term but also ensure rapid economic and social growth. That’s the kind of can-do approach the nation needs.

by Raj Chengappa, India Today, August 26, 2024

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இதெல்லாம் உங்களுக்கு தேவையா கோபி..😞 | Baakiyalakshmi | Episode Preview | 27th August 2024

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