Why Mufti must go
Platform | Sonia Jabbar
Who hasn't heard of Qazi Tauqeer, that lovable, flat-voiced, flat-footed Kashmiri lad who became the star of the reality TV show, Fame Gurukul? In Srinagar, I was arm-twisted by my hosts' girls to watch the show. I had to admit it was gripping because, notwithstanding the opinion of the judges, it was the audience poll that carried the weight. Interestingly, the audience seemed more concerned with the person as a whole than the performer. A hint of jealousy or manipulativeness and the wannabe stars found themselves booted out, never mind what the judges felt. Generosity, kindness, humour, honesty and compassion never went unrewarded, so much so that after a particularly bad performance, a puzzled Qazi confessed, "Jab janta hai razi to kya karega Qazi?" When he finally won, Kashmir erupted in joy. Not only was there pride at the birth of a fresh young Kashmiri star, but there was also a quiet sense of empowerment, a realisation that if enough people participated and voted, their man was in. Hey, here was democracy that was clean and fun and actually worked. Too bad it's not allowed in politics.
In politics, it's the judges in Delhi and not the janta in Kashmir that choose who wins and who loses. Since the Fifties, but for a few exceptions, Kashmir's 'elected' leaders have been selected in the drawing rooms of Delhi's power elite. No, you will protest, all that changed with the 2002 assembly election when the National Conference was voted out and the popular PDP-Congress combine won. But old habits die hard. The instinct to control Kashmir undemocratically is still alive: witness the machinations by political lightweights in Delhi to keep Mufti Mohammed Sayeed in power in Srinagar. Though Mufti himself, bless his soul, doesn't seem overly perturbed to honour his agreement with the Congress to allow for a change of guard come November 2. The arguments trotted out in his favour range from the unstable security scenario to the quake relief operations, to the PDP being a regional party, seen by the Kashmiris to represent them, to Mufti somehow being crucial to the peace process.
The killing of Education Minister Ghulam Nabi Lone was indeed a setback to stability, especially as it came at a time when people were still reeling in the aftershock of the earthquake. Who is to blame for the security lapse? In any other state in India, would the CM be taken to task for the state of security under his jurisdiction or would this be used as rationale for him to continue in office? Mufti has been hailed by some in Delhi for ushering peace in the Valley. The reasons for the decline in violence are too many and too complex, but it would be childish to lay the credit entirely at the CM's feet, especially, as veteran journalist Ahmed Ali Fayyaz pointed out, militancy has actually increased in the PDP strongholds of Pulwama and Anantnag districts.
As for the relief operations, had it not been for the Indian Army and the countless mohalla committees that suddenly bloomed in every town in Kashmir, many more would have perished. I went on foot from village to village in both Uri and Karnah and was shocked by the absence of the state administration. Where was Mufti and where were the PDP cadres? If various groups, from Kashmir University and NIIT students to bearded members of Dar-ul-Uloom to the JKLF, could reach remote villages why couldn't Mufti? In village after village I was told, "Tell Delhi to provide relief through the army." It took a good ten days before the administration swung into action. Don't believe me, accompany Mufti the next time he goes asking for votes. The point is, if ever there were a few PDP supporters in these NC and Congress strongholds, they are now gone.
Which brings me to the argument of the PDP being seen as a popular regional party as opposed to the Congress, which is equated with grim direct rule from the Centre. Anyone who has covered the 2002 polls will tell you that the mandate was one for change. People wanted Farooq Abdullah out. Still, of the 87 seats in the assembly, NC managed to bag 28, emerging as the single-largest party. But because it came down from the 57 seats it had won in 1996, it gracefully accepted defeat. The PDP, on the other hand, won just 16 seats, all in the Valley. It needed the support of not just the Congress with its 20 seats, but also of smaller parties and independents to make up the required strength in the House. Rightly, the Congress should have batted first, but it allowed the PDP to do so. But now democracy demands that the agreement for change in captaincy should be honoured.
Had the people of Kashmir erupted in outrage at the prospect of change, I would have signed on the petition for Mufti. But there has not even been a murmur of resentment. The truth is Mufti is seen as the former home minister of India first, and as a Kashmiri after that. The truth is that the father-daughter act of good cop-bad cop has run out of steam. Not for nothing has Mehbooba Mufti earned the appellation of 'Rudaali of Kashmir.' And no, Mufti is not crucial to the peace process. Ask Umar Farooq why the Mufti government embarrassed him by booking Asiya Andrabi under the PSA the morning after his meeting with the PM. As for Ghulam Nabi Azad being viewed suspiciously by the Kashmiris as a man from Jammu, this is untrue. Kashmiris know Azad as a man who grew up in the Valley, who studied there, who speaks fluent Kashmiri as well as Dogri and who, to their delight, married one of the most popular Kashmiri singers, Shamim Dev. He is seen as a man who is not only influential at the Centre, but also one who can bridge the age-old divide between Jammu, Ladakh and the Valley.
It's time well-wishers in Delhi stopped treating Kashmir as a colony. If transparent democratic processes are good for us, they should equally be good for them. There is no need for another set of rules for the Kashmiri. It would be enough if they were accorded the same respect due to any Indian citizen. Ask Qazi Tauqeer.
Cricket
Arjun
Jhanak
Tum Se Tum Tak
